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 | Executive Times | |||
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|  | 2007 Book Reviews | |||
| The
  Trouble with Diversity: How We Learned to Love Identity and Ignore Inequality
  by Walter Benn Michaels | ||||
| Rating: | *** | |||
|  | (Recommended) | |||
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|  | Click on
  title or picture to buy from amazon.com | |||
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|  | Class Walter Benn
  Michaels wants to shift political attention from diversity to class, and he
  says why with eloquence in his new book, The
  Trouble with Diversity: How We Learned to Love Identity and Ignore Inequality.
  Michaels pokes at both right and left throughout
  this book, which dances on every page to his one-note Samba: we promote the
  free aspects of diversity while we ignore the cost of real economic
  differences. His version of progressive politics demands attention to
  economic inequality. Here’s an excerpt, from the end of Chapter 2, “Our
  Favorite Victims,” pp. 76-79: The U.S. Holocaust Memorial
  Museum opened in 1993; the National Museum of the American Indian opened on
  the Mall in 2004 and if Khalid Muhammad had only
  lived a little longer, he might have died happy since the Board of Regents of
  the Smithsonian Institution has now approved plans for a National Museum of
  African-American History and Culture near the Washington Monument. Old-style
  racists like Jesse Helms were against it, but new-style antiracists like Dick
  Cheney and John Roberts and Bill Frist and Thad
  Cochran (the senator from Mississippi who doesn’t make racist remarks) are
  all for it. It goes without saying, however, that there won’t—and that there
  shouldn’t—be a National Museum of Lower-Income Americans on the Mall. It’s
  hard to see what good it would be to poor people to start celebrating their
  culture, much less their survival as a group. We don’t worry that poor people
  run the risk of assimilation to wealth, which is to say, we don’t seek to
  preserve the distinctive things—the bad educations, the inadequate health
  care—that make poor people who they are. We do think of at least some poor
  people as inheriting their poverty, but we don’t think of their poverty as their
  heritage; so, for example, where it makes sense to say of some people that
  they are “part Jewish” or “part black,” we don’t think it makes sense to say
  of anyone that he or she is “part poor” or “part rich.” There may be people
  of mixed race, but there are no people of mixed income; we don’t even have
  the concept of mixed income. Above all, we don’t, whether or not we are
  ourselves poor, think that poverty is just as good as wealth, even
  if—especially if—we think that poor people are just as good as rich people. The meaning of antiracism
  today is thus that it gives us an ideal—the ideal of a society without
  prejudice—that we can all sign on to at the very moment when the inadequacy
  of that ideal should be entirely obvious. The gap between the rich and the
  poor may be growing on a daily basis, but when it comes to difference, we
  prefer fighting racism to fighting poverty.26 And the distinction
  between our conservatives and our liberals is just that our conservatives
  think we’ve already won that fight while our liberals think we’ve only just
  begun. Another way to put this is
  to say that our conservatives and our liberals more or less agree about what
  a just society would be. That’s why mainstream commentators like David Brooks
  can confidently insist that even though the country seems to be “polarized,”
  “this isn’t an ideological moment, liberal or conservative.”27 Of
  course, no moment ever seems like an ideological moment to Brooks, but he’s
  not alone in this and he’s not mistaken. The quarrel between people who think
  we don’t have enough diversity and people who think we have just the right
  amount is a quarrel over management techniques, not over political ideology.
  With respect to economic inequality, there is no quarrel; what we might call
  the neoliberal consensus prevails. The only
  inequalities we’re prepared to do anything about are the ones that interfere
  with the free market. Chesnutt, insisting that
  segregation (and especially the law against miscegenation) violated “liberty
  of contract,” was an early adopter. There was no injustice, he thought, in
  the fact that many people couldn’t afford to ride in the first-class car on
  the train; the injustice was to the people who could afford to ride in that
  car but weren’t allowed to. The injustice was intolerance of racial
  difference, not acceptance of economic difference. And this
  scenario is what gives the fantasy of the rich people’s mall its force. The
  fantasy part, of course, is not that there are such things as rich people’s
  malls. The fantasy is the idea that the injustice in not being able to shop
  there is the injustice of being discriminated against. Or, to turn the point
  around, that rich people’s malls are fine as long as they’re diverse, as long
  as the black and brown rich people get to buy expensive stuff alongside the
  white ones. How else can we explain the flurry of disapproval surrounding
  Hermes’s refusal to unlock its doors for some after-hours shopping by Oprah
  Winfrey? “After-hours shopping is a favor,” noted the  “The
  problem of the 20th century,” W. E. B. Du Bois
  observed at its beginning, will be “the problem of the color line.” It looks
  like the twenty-first century will also be fond of that problem. The
  difference is that the work that used to be done by racism—the work of
  obscuring class difference— is now done by antiracism. The ongoing
  controversy over the government’s response to the catastrophe of Hurricane
  Katrina is, as we noted in the introduction, a case in point. It’s like an
  inverted version of the question about the “rich Jew” Leo Frank: was he
  lynched because he was Jewish or because he was rich? Is the relevant thing
  about all those people abandoned in  Most Americans consider us as a
  classless society. Michaels calls attention to the growing gap between rich
  and poor and makes readers note that distinct classes should be a growing
  concern. The
  Trouble with Diversity may be an annoying book to read, especially for
  those who find Michaels’ economic naiveté a distraction, but it is
  increasingly likely that progressive politics will grow as the economic gap
  widens, and this is a good time to consider the issues Michaels raises.  Steve Hopkins,
  January 25, 2007 | |||
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 The recommendation rating for
  this book appeared  in the February
  2007 issue of Executive Times URL for this review: http://www.hopkinsandcompany.com/Books/The
  Trouble with Diversity.htm For Reprint Permission,
  Contact: Hopkins & Company, LLC •  E-mail: books@hopkinsandcompany.com | |||
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