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2008 Book Reviews

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The Killing of Major Denis Mahon: A Mystery of Old Ireland by Peter Duffy

Rating:

***

 

(Recommended)

 

 

 

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Troubles

 

If you’ve not read much about the great potato famine in Ireland in the 1840s, a fine book to consider is Peter Duffy’s The Killing of Major Denis Mahon: A Mystery of Old Ireland. Denis Mahon was a landowner in Country Roscommon who leased part of his land to a total of 12,000 people who struggled to make a life on the land. When the potato blight removed their main source of sustenance, they died, were sent to workhouses, emigrated, or found some way to survive. On his way home from a meeting in November 1847 to discuss funding for a workhouse, Mahon was ambushed and killed. Duffy relates the context of this murder, explores the political situation in Ireland and England, relates the trial of those accused of Mahon’s murder, and along the way presents a compelling story of the great troubles of that time. Here’s an excerpt, from the end of Chapter 5, “The Supernumerary Portion of the Inhabitants,” pp. 106-8:

 

But the most draconian limitation was the infamous Quarter-Acre (or Gregory) Clause. It prohibited any and all relief to those who possessed more than a quarter acre of land, targeting the class of small farmers who, it was believed, were most apt to trick relief officials into providing them with help that they didn't deserve. (The government was constantly worried about being the victims of the devious Irish.) Introduced by the Irish landlord MP William Gregory, the clause was intended to ensure that only the truly des­titute would seek help. A Tory representing Dublin city who would later fritter away his fortune in gambling debts, Gregory believed that "where a man held a large piece of land—half an acre, one, or two or three acres—he was no longer an object of pity." Many par­liamentarians supported the clause because they believed it made sense to force small farmers to give up all but a tiny portion of their land, which would push them into wage-laboring workforce where they belonged. The Gregory Clause easily passed the House of Commons by a vote of 117 to 7.

The entire legislation would travel to passage on the strength of its most popular components, its anti-landlord animus and its elimination of state expenditure. With nothing else in the offing for Ireland, the Repeal MPs were left with no choice but to back the measure. Daniel O'Connell, who Balzac claimed had "incar­nated a whole people," gave his last speech in Parliament begging for something, anything, to be done for Ireland, an ignominious end for a landmark figure. "If you do not save her she can't save herself," he said. In fact, both supporters and opponents agreed that the amended Poor Law would be painful. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, Charles Wood, believed that Ireland would have to suf­fer a "purgatory of misery and starvation' before it could "emerge into a state of anything approaching to quiet or prosperity."

Major Mahon responded to the prospect of ballooning poor rates by agreeing to Ross Mahon's plan to pay for the passage of his tenants to a distant land, a strategy followed by other Irish landlords like Lord Palmerston, Lord John Russell's foreign sec­retary, who owned property in County Sligo. Ross Mahon pointed out that it was the most economical avenue available to him. The agent calculated that it would be cheaper in the long run to pay transatlantic fare for his tenants—a one-time charge, after all—than it would be to pay the increased poor rates under the Poor Law Amendment Act for the same tenants. It was even cheaper than evictions. According to Sections 11, 12 of the amended Poor Law, any tenant who "shall have occupied some tenement" within a particular electoral division—two of which were largely within the Mahon estate—for a three-month period in the three years before applying for assistance would be eligible for indoor or outdoor relief. An emigration plan, while removing all poor rate costs, also had the advantage of being a socially acceptable to Catholic leaders on the Mahon estate. No less a representative of the people than Father Henry Brennan, whose Kilglass parish was populated by hundreds of Mahon tenants, had urged such an option in a public letter. He called for the local landlords to offer seed, enlarge holdings, and "send off to foreign countries the supernumerary portion of the inhabitants," exactly Major Mahon's strategy.

The landlord made it clear that he thought "the 'first class' for us to send is those of the poorest and worst description and who would become a charge on us for poor house, 'outdoor relief,'" a phrase of such novelty that he gave it quotation marks. But Ross Mahon knew that the plan would work only if it was "extensive"— that is, if it truly cleared the property. Yet in the few weeks after informing the land agent that he would fund an extensive plan, Major Mahon began pulling back on the scope of the undertaking, citing money problems. Once again, Ross Mahon expressed his frustration at not being allowed to fulfill his job duties, saying he could not "offer service" to the major if he wouldn't fol­low his recommendations. The major's response to this second, veiled threat of resignation does not survive. But Ross Mahon did not resign. Instead, as spring arrived, the two began arrang­ing a scaled-down emigration plan, preparing to send roughly a thousand tenants to the distant shores of the place they always described in their letters as "America."

 

My mother was a Mahon born in Roscommon in 1907, and my father’s mother was a Duffy from nearby Mayo. I had this personal connection that led me to reading The Killing of Major Denis Mahon. Once there, I learned much about the famine, injustice, and the troubles of those difficult times.

 

Steve Hopkins, February 21, 2008

 

 

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The recommendation rating for this book appeared

 in the March 2008 issue of Executive Times

 

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